Follow this road map. It can take Haiti from violent chaos to progress and peace | Guest Opinion
The rudiments of a loose international plan for Haiti are emerging — centered on providing increased support for the Haitian National Police, nudging political factions to coalesce around a governing pact and offering humanitarian assistance.
But will it be enough, given the multiple complex problems Haiti confronts?
As three long-term observers of the country, we argue that a more assertive international response is needed and offer the following road map to help Haiti reset.
On the security front, there is vocal political resistance within Haiti to another international intervention. Some see it as a violation of sovereignty; others as a means of potentially propping up an interim prime minister viewed as politically illegitimate. This provides easy cover for international actors who prefer not to act. Realities on the ground should convince Haitian leaders and foreign governments to overcome their concerns.
Given the power of Haitian gangs, a minimal approach will almost surely fall short of restoring the public order upon which all else depends. A robust multinational security response that is carefully planned, explained and executed is needed. While a conventional peacekeeping mission may not be viable, past assistance efforts in fragile states offer a basket of creative options. Such a response would require leadership from the United States, which uniquely possesses the tools and capabilities for such a mission.
Progress on security cannot be sustained without confronting Haiti’s political tensions. The Haitian crisis should not be viewed as simply a problem of governance to be solved by finding the right leadership in a single transaction. Bridging the country’s differences requires an approach like that of a peace process, which recognizes the debilitating complexity of political differences and the need for a range of more assertive tools.
A peace initiative could start with the appointment by Haiti’s friends and neighbors of experienced “elders,” who would be charged with facilitating a process of discussion and negotiation. A small secretariat would provide administrative and organizational support for their activities, which would need to continue over many months. Sponsoring a few meetings will not be enough.
The elders’ first task would be to bring together, step by step, a constituency that extends beyond the Montana Accord and the Henry government. This would go further than the most recent Dec. 21 Accord, whose proposed transition council membership is too limited and whose scope of tasks is ill-conceived.
The initial stages of the dialogue should avoid the contentious question of power, of who gets to rule. Instead, the exchanges could be limited initially to recommending confidence building measures that would allow the Haitian people to witness an open process that could potentially improve their lives. This confidence-building effort should cover four issues: security, broadly defined; the medical emergency; financing for infrastructure and education; and restoring the country’s electoral machinery.
Although it will take time, this initial dialogue would prepare the ground for the critical political negotiations to produce an interim government. This process would have to operate outside the constitutional or even normal political cycle, while still yielding a credible degree of governing authority provided by a unified international community, even in the absence of a parliament and a diminished judiciary.
This interim government may need up to two years to prepare the country for elections while managing Haiti’s critical security, humanitarian, and economic issues. Communications with the Haitian people would be key, with achieved milestones expressed frequently and clearly. And high levels of continuing international support, including the active involvement of diplomatic missions, will be vital to sustain popular support.
This will be a heavy lift, requiring unity among Haiti’s supporters, large-scale funding and a long-term commitment. But it avoids an even heavier lift in the future if we allow Haiti, our hemispheric neighbor, to slide further into violent chaos.
Peter Hakim is president emeritus of the Inter-American Dialogue. Georges Fauriol is a senior associate with the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Keith Mines is director for Latin America at the U.S. Institute of Peace.
