Haiti’s democracy is in peril. Its neighbors must stand behind the troubled nation | Opinion

Haiti’s democracy is in peril — once again. A political tsunami ransacked the nation after the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021. Local law enforcement is engulfed in a battle against violent gangs that have filled the power vacuum. Gang violence over territorial control in Port-au-Prince and other regions of the country is pervasive. Kidnappings, rape, murder and shootings happen daily. A humanitarian crisis where more than 5.2 million citizens are suffering from acute hunger, compounds Haiti’s troubles.

The last remaining elected government senators have left office in January, meaning Haiti has no parliament, no president and a fragile democracy on the brink of failure.

Haiti’s political woes have drawn international attention. The instability presents regional security risks for its neighbors, making the United States and countries in the Caribbean corridor vulnerable to drug, gun and human-trafficking rings. Transnational gangs can easily exploit the weakened security of Haiti’s ports and borders. As China seeks to expand its global influence, Haiti’s fragility will be seen as a geo-strategic opportunity for Sino-Haitian relations. This would pose a security risk to the United States.

The Caribbean community leaders of CARICOM have convened a series of consultation sessions with Haitian stakeholders to present plans and policies for security and political stability. The most recent was convened in Kingston, Jamaica, with Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry, and Haitian business leaders and stakeholders.

These are steps in the right direction, but there must be more.

Security is the most pressing issue for Haitians. Reestablishing law and order and political stability will not happen without first providing an environment of security. Currently, gangs appear to have more guns and recruits than the state. Therefore, it is crucial for the United States and CARICOM to support revamping the Haitian National Police, providing them with enhanced training and additional anti-gang resources.

A coalition police unit can be established to support the PNH, offering additional personnel and expertise to bolster their efforts. This collaborative approach will help tamp down on gangs’ presence and provide the support to restore the sense of security the Haitian people so desperately need.

Also, it is imperative for Haiti to regain control of its state borders and ports. In so doing, the state will strengthen its ability to restrict the contraband, small arms and ammunition that flow to Haitian gangs. It is an opportunity for the U.S. Coast Guard, the Caribbean Border Interagency Group (CBIG) and individual CARICOM member states to provide Haiti with logistical and maritime support in securing its borders.

The next steps toward political stability will be to hold Haiti’s next presidential elections under free and fair conditions and the re-establishment of its parliament. The United States and CARICOM countries can provide electoral administrative expertise, polling resources and election-day observers to work alongside Haitian officials. Such support will foster an atmosphere conducive to democratic restoration and rebuilding social capital among Haitians.

The Montana Accord, developed by a commission led by members of Haitian civil society, produced a policy blueprint for resolving the country’s security, economic and political crises. The group has widespread support from several Haitian and diaspora stakeholders.

The United States and CARICOM should listen to this group and support its initiatives to rebuild Haiti’s state and society. They should be good neighbors and provide Haiti with support stabilize the state, disempower gangs and reduce political corruption. A Haitian-led assisted strategy could, perhaps for the first time in the island’s history, will allow democracy to grow and flourish.

Damion Blake is associate professor of political science and policy studies at Elon University.

Blake
Blake

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